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The study sets out to interrogate the relationships between external debt and crisis of development in Africa within the period 1999-2007 in Nigeria. The aim of the research was to provide a framework that explains the effect of external debt on national development. The theory of post colonial state was adopted as the analytical framework to demonstrate that Nigeria has followed a developmental strategy dictated by the interest of the imperialists and their local allies among the indigenous population. The method of data collection used was the secondary sources of data. Three hypothesis tested were: there is no relationship between debt servicing and shortage of electronic voting machines in Nigeria; debt relief tends to have no effect on the rate of unemployment in Nigeria, and, debt rescheduling tend to deepen external dependence of Nigeria.The findings of the study revealed that there‘s no relationship between debt servicing and shortage of electronic voting machine in Nigeria in the 2007 election. Against the background of the national economic crisis, the study recommends that the international economic system should be restructured and unequal term of trade balance with fair economic trade relations so as to encourage enhance foreign exchange for national development.
1.1 Introduction Anyone who observes the condition of Africa , comes up with so much confusion and perplexity. The average per capital national income in Africa is one-third lower than that of the world‘s next poorest region, South Asia. Most African countries have lower per capita income now than they had in 1980 or in some cases in 1960. Half of Africa 888 million people live on less than US $1 a day. African entire economic output is not more than $420 billion, just 1.3 per cent of the world‘s gross domestic product, less than a country like Mexico. African share of world‘s trade has declined to less than half of what it was in the 1980s, amounting to only 1.6 per cent ; its share of global investment is less than 1 per cent. It is the only region where school enrollment is fallen and where illiteracy is still common place. (Meredith,2005:682) It was expected that Africa would become the giant of other regions at least going by its human cum natural resources. But unfortunately, reverse is the case. After independence African leaders shifted the responsibilities of their development to other imperialist nations and consequently sought and acquired external finance for development projects. (Ake,2001: 18) According to Fasipe (1990:1), ―progress in the world is characterized and helped by interdependence of ideas and men, goods and capital‖. (Madavo 2003:91) stated that borrowing and therefore debt is neither an aberration nor peculiar to African countries. It is, in fact a legitimate part of everyday economic management. Hence most of the rich countries in the world today relied heavily on external finance to attain their present economic height.
Post second World War Europe especially Germany was reconstructed and rehabilitated through external borrowing under the aegis of the Marshal plan (ogbenovo,2005:2). African nations after the traumatic effect of colonialism resorted to external credit, this was expected among other things to be used to develop their economies and provide the social-economic needs of their citizenry.Unfortunately, this resort to external borrowing turned out to be the Westphalia treaty that settled nothing. This is not unconnected with their weak economic base, unfavourable terms attached to the loans, policy errors and mismanagement among others. Furthermore, the post colonial African states of which Nigeria is among, became unable to repay their debt and thus got entangled in the web of debt crises that bedeviled their socio-economic development. Africa‘s debt crises attracted global attention during the last quarter of 1982, series of prescription to get the continent out of its economic doldrums have been offered. Prominent among them is the restructuring of African economy in line with IMF-dictated reforms of deregulation, privatization and liberalization (Obaseki and Bello,1995:241). However, many debtor countries and their sympathizers prefer debt cancellation to release fund for the development and welfare of the countries of Africa since they were overburdened by excruciating debt service obligation. Nigeria for instance, prior to 2006 was expending US$2 billion annually on debt servicing which was nine times the annual health budget (Okonjo –Iweala et al,2003:8) When Obasanjo led democratic government came on board in 1999 the situation on ground made him to flag off an intensive campaign for debt relief/cancellation. This yielded positive result in April 2006 and 2007 when Nigerian major creditors-the Paris club cancelled 60 percent of the total debt owed to it by the country and also settled its debt to the London club. But the debt burden is far from being over as Nigeria present external debt stands at over $2.6 billion consisting bilateral and multilateral loans which have a grace period of ten years, attract yearly service charge of 0.75 per cent and it requires thirty and forty years to liquidate. As a direct consequence of external debt burden, this study investigates the causes(s) of the unabating debt crisis and assesses its impact on socio-economic development of Nigeria. 1.2 Statement of Problem
Nigeria after independence had a low ratio of external debt to gross domestic product (GDP) of 3.4 percent (Fajana, 1990:65). It was on this promising economic condition that Nigeria launched its first five years National Development Plan that was expected to usher in rapid development and emancipate it from the chains of colonial legacy.But partly because of the ravages of the civil war (1967-1970) and largely because of its burning desire for rapid socio-economic development, the Nigeria government resorted to development finance from public funds mostly from bilateral and multilateral lending bodies. Since the Five Year Plan of the early 1960 up to date, Nigeria had launched several Development Plans sourcing finance from the International Capital Market that is notorious for its high rates of interest and terms of repayment. Yet development seems to elude the country. Nigeria is classified as one of the severely indebted low- income countries that are greatly afflicted by underdevelopment, dependency, general poverty and external debt, in spite of its widely acknowledge oil wealth. Coupled with this, is the magnitude of capital flight from the country in the form of debt servicing payments that not only absorbed a major proportion of export earnings but also eat into the funds that could be used to provide essential facilities and improve the welfare of its citizens (Aja,2003:106). This tends to negate the past imaginative and generous efforts at finding solutions to the debt crisis.
Nigeria‘s external debt stock prior to April 2006 stood at US$2 Billion being expended annually on debt servicing so that between 1977 and 2005 for which record is available, the country had expended over US$31 billion on debt repayment of the actual US$13.5 billion. Olusegun Obasanjo during his regime implored fervently for debt cancellation cum relief so that he would channel the about US$45 Million that occur daily from the sales of crude oil to poverty reduction and socio-economic projects. In spite of the debt repayment to its major creditors Paris and London Club, Nigerians are yet to experience any fundamental change on their socio-economic lives. Notwithstanding one can categoricaly affirm that it is not yet uhuru since the country is still not only saddled with an external debt burden of over $2.6 billion and a staggering amount of N1.87 trillion domestic debt (The Guardian, 2007:16). These are made up treasuring Bills worth N754 billion, representing 40.40 per cent of the total debt, Treasuring Bonds of N413.6 billion accounting for 22.16 per cent of the stock and finally development stock made up of N720 million, which is 0.04 per cent of the debt (DMO, 2007). Despite this uninteresting reality, most scholars on Nigeria‘s debt crisis like (Oyejide et al, 1985:17) tend to ignore the implication of the large amount of domestic debt on the countries balance of payment capacity. Rather than dwelling on why all the debt management plans failed to address Nigeria‘s debt crisis, they prefer to dissipate their intellectual energy on celebrating a debt repayment that seem to be a waste of nation‘s resources. They also failed to probe the subsisting complementary interest of the countries ruling class and that of the international bourgeoisie with regard to debt repayment issue. The study shall attempt to fill this gap within the context of the questions stated below:
(i) Is debt servicing implicated in the shortage of funds for the implementation of the electronic voting system in Nigeria?
(ii) Is there any relationship between debt relief and reduction of unemployment in Nigeria?.
(iii) Does debt rescheduling resolve Nigeria‘s external dependence on the West?.
1.31.4 Objective of Study
The central objective of this study is to evaluate the impact of debt crisis on Nigeria‘s socio-economic development. However, the study is guided by the following specific objective:
(i) To examine if Nigeria‘s external debt servicing is implicated in the shortage of the funds for the implementation of the electronic voting system in Nigeria.
(ii) To find out the effect of debt relief on the level of unemployment in Nigeria .
(iii) To interrogate if debt rescheduling has resolved Nigeria‘s external dependence on the West.
1.41.5 Significance of Study
The significance of this study is at two principal levels: practical and theoretical. Practically, this study will be of paramount importance to policy makers of developing countries especially in Nigeria as it provides guidelines for not only tackling underdevelopment but also averting debt trap in their subsequent domestic and external policies and other African countries. In as much as many articles, seminars and speeches have been written and presented on the causes and consequences of debt crisis and underdevelopment in Nigeria, this study is simply another contribution in the explanation of debt crisis and underdevelopment in Africa. This of course contributes to knowledge as well as stimulates further studies. Also theoretically, this study explores and problematises external debt economic policy as a multi-dimensional process whose dynamic either impacts and transforms the lives of citizens , or impacts and escalates their living conditions. Thus, by interrogating the interface between external debt and crisis of development in Nigeria especially under Obasanjo‘s civilian administration, the study will be a good starting point for further studies in this sensitive but crucial area of international relations. Finally, by provoking and eliciting enlightened discourse, the study will not only join the on-going intellectual debate on the dynamics of international political, economic and social relations, but will also synchronize with existing inquiries to form a dependable pool of literature for scholars and policy makers alike.
1.51.9 Literature Review
Attempts to arrive at a broad consensus meaning of the word, debt seem to be in a quandary as scholars and commentators from economics and political science are sharply divided over its meaning. The controversy generated by this scholarly stand off has resulted in a plethora of definitions that obfuscate rather than explicate its meaning. Hence most of the available definitions of the concept are underscored by an economic undertone to the extent that one is left to wonder if debts is strictly an economic issue.We shall however, in this study limit ourselves to the specific study. Nevertheless, the flood of economic definitions of the concept that has punctuated international economic system is so over bearing that it will amount to academic prejudice if they are not accorded their deserved attention in this study. For instance, debt and in specific term external debt is conceptualized by Mark Ellyn and Han Flinch (1990:15) as: ―the amount at any given time, of disbursed and outstanding contractual liabilities of residents of a country to non-residents to repay principal with or without interest or to pay interest with or without principal‖. This is a purely economic definition of debt, which concerns itself with interest to be paid in addition to the capital disbursed. The implication of the definition is that debt is an aspect of business transaction that is profit-oriented and uncharitable in nature. Another aspect of the definition that must not escape mention is its tendency to restrict debt transaction to only the residents of different countries thereby ignoring domestic debt that seem to be one of the predisposing factor to external debt. A major defect of this definition is its failure to include other non-economic liabilities, which appropriately qualify for debt added to this, is the fact that contractual liabilities are mostly carried out by states and even when individuals or residents of the state guarantees such transaction before carrying out such transactions it becomes a liability, a legal burden. It is in this connection that most Third World countries, particularly Nigeria were plunged into debt trap because of its unguarded guaranteeing of export credits. (Oyejide et al, 1985:17). Therefore, it will be inadequate if not misleading to limit contractual liability to residents in different countries only. Unfortunately however Oyejide et al (1985) adopt similar economic position with Ellyn and Flinch above in their conceptualization of external debt as:a repayable obligation that has either a maturity of up to one year (i.e medium and long term debt)…..owed to non resident and repayable in foreign currency.(1985:17).
This definition from all intent and purposes excludes domestic debt transaction, which is a major pitfall. As earlier pointed out, publicly guaranteed debt (i.e. an external obligation of a private debtor that is guaranteed for repayment by a public entity) is one of the three component parts of external debt. However , their latter definition of debt as ―the resource or money in use in an organization which is not contributed by its owners and does not in other way belong to them‖ seems more inclusive and useful to this study save for their utter disregard for non economic variables. This sheer omission or neglect of a more important aspect of debt renders their definition inconsistent with choices made in this study. Regrettably, many scholars adopt similar position in seeing debt generally as:any purchase or credit negotiated through government or voluntary agencies on terms more favourable than ‗normal‘ commercial terms. (see for instance, Akin Fadahunsi, 1977 :4). It is perhaps, this penchant for giving a purely economic definition to debt that might have rendered past efforts at addressing the debt crisis impotent since a lasting solution to a problem is contingent upon an impartial recognition and treatment of the problem. This actually informs our preference for Fadahunsi‘s conception of debt within the wider political economy context. In his exact words, debt is : Any negotiated transaction in kind or monetary –on terms more favorable than normal commercial terms between nation –states and other governments or agencies that are consistent with the national interest as then perceived by the parties to the transaction. The relevance of this definition includes but is not limited to its recognition of other non –economic variables such as foreign aid that is more or less political. Hence the transaction must be consistent with the national interest of the parties.
Another area of interest in the definition is that it also recognizes that agencies are also engaged in the negotiated transactions. Our argument however, is that whether the transaction is in kind or monetary, the recipient becomes a debtor of gratitude or obligation and by virtue of the fact that ―he who pays the piper dictates the tune‖ the negotiated transaction in whatever complexion but with terms attached may turn out to be Greek gift-a Trojan horse-that spells doom for the receiver. It is probably in the light of this that one wonders why most if not all the negotiated transaction either in kind or monetary should result in debt crisis and becomes a burden to the receivers‘ development contrary to the purpose of incurring the debt in the first place. For instance, separate and collaborative works of erudite scholars in debt such as Bahram Nowzad (1990:9), Oyejide et al. (1985:14), Falegan S.B (1978:9) Akintayo Fasipe (1990:1) Graham Brid (1989:2), Callsito Madavo (2003:91), Ngozi Okonjo-Iwala (2003:169) and Chukwuma Soludo (2001:29), etc, all share pervading perspective of linking debt to development. This could be seen from the assertion of Madavo (2003:1) that borrowing and therefore debt is a legitimate part of everyday economic management. To him, external debt does not constitute a burden when contracted loans are optimally used and the return on investment is enough to meet maturing obligations, while the servicing of the domestic economic is not undermined (Ojo, 1994:15). The implication of this is that the debt crisis in Africa is a product of poor economic management, and especially, the mismanagement of contracted loans by inefficient public enterprises. External factors such as decline in commodity prices, increases in world interest rate and collapse of world trade are absolved of debt crisis in Africa. But this the usual ―blame the victim‖ approaches by the Western World and international lenders that only obfuscates the actual cause of the debt crisis. As aptly argued by Ake (2001:70) the foundation for debt crisis in Africa was laid soon after independence when the new leaders of Africa settle for economic development. In any case: With sparse resources of their own to work with, they looked to foreign powers to finance their aspirations and reintroduced in the economic context some of the issues of dependence that they had settled in the political context. Ake‘s observation is timely because it helps in revealing that debt is a shared responsibility between the countries of Africa and their creditors. But the creditor countries should take the larger share of the blame since it was their activities in Africa during the colonial era that actually weakened the structure of Africa economy and left the emerging leaders at independence with no option but to foist the burden of development on other countries (S.Ibi Ajayi;2003:105). Ake elaborated on this further when he lamented that the consequence was what has become as dependent development because the conditions attached to the foreign loan /aid took for granted the validity of the inherited economic structure (Ake,2001:19).
It is perhaps in the fight of this that the OECD had to caution that development finance should be made to achieve ―acceleration in the process of development in the less developed nations‖ (See Freund,1965).This however, can be possible when the fund according to Woods (1966:206-215) is released ―on terms more appropriate to the facts of life in underdeveloped countries‖ This advice is necessary because since borrowing was engendered by the need to fill the resources gap in African countries in other to enable the public sector provide infrastructure, create assets and investment in productive enterprises that would create jobs imposing unfavorable terms would definitely produce contrary results as is the case presently in most of Africa (Okonjo-Iweala, 2003:169). Nevertheless, the lenders have a contrary intention which is that loan is never meant as a development finance. Rather, it is a huge trap for the recipient countries with the ultimate aim of ensuring that they remain firmly within the sphere of influence of the lenders. In other words external borrowing to underdeveloped countries is a ploy for the perpetuation of the economic domination of the borrowing countries through high interest rate and unfavorable terms. This is why the claim by other authorities (See Palmer, 2005:550) that the debt crisis occurs because ―the capacity of underdevelopment countries to utilize outside capital is extremely limited‖ should not be taken seriously. Assuming the claim is true then it is an open acknowledgement that the colonial despoliation of Africa economy weakened its base and , therefore renders it incapable of servicing the loan and at the same time ―carry out any development project either of macroeconomic nature or to finance transitory balance of payments deficits‖ (Soludo , 2003:29). Therefore why not disputing the fact that ―in many respects the taking on debt is an entirely rational and welfare enhancing activity representing an inter-temporal redistribution of living standard‖ (Bird ,1982:2),such loan should be devoid of any strings so that it would be used to finance high –return investment and enhance the availability of resources in the future. It is strongly believed that it was the none adherence to this tenet that paved the way for the debt crisis, which Hope (1996) describes as:
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In this study we explored the link between political leadership and persisting economic
problems in sub- Saharan Africa. Primarily, we interrogated the following questions: Is
there a link between persisting economic crises and incompetence on the part of political
leadership in sub- Saharan Africa between 1960 and 2009? Do leadership problems in
sub – Saharan Africa lead to poor integration of the region’s economies into the global
economy in the period under study? Is leadership failure responsible for poor interstate
relation in sub- Saharan Africa ? This study was discussed under the perspective
prism of Marxian political economy as expounded by Karl Marx. In this study we put
forward the following hypotheses for testing: There is a link between incompetence on
the part of political leadership and persisting economic crises in sub- Saharan Africa
between 1960 and 2009. Leadership problems in sub – Saharan Africa lead to poor
integration of the region’s economies into the global economy in the period under study.
Leadership failure is responsible for the poor inter- state relation in sub- Saharan Africa.
These hypotheses were tested in chapters two, three and four respectively. The chapter
five contains the summary and conclusion
Sub-Saharan Africa also known as black Africa covers an area of 24.3 million
square kilometers. The region is obviously one of the poorest as it contains most of the
Least Developed States in the world. It forms bulk of ACP counties where diseases like
malaria is a chronic impediment to economic development. According to the World
Bank, the region’s GDP would have been 32% higher in 2003 if the disease had been
eradicated in 1960. The population of sub-Saharan Africa was 800 million in 2007 while
the current growth rate is 2.3% (www.subsaharanafricapolitical.com). The United
Nations (UN) prediction for the population of the region stands at nearly 1.5 billion in
2050. Figures for life expectancy, malnourishment, and infant mortality and HIV/AIDS
infections are also dramatic. More than 40% of the populations in sub-Saharan countries
are younger than 15 years old. Sub-Saharan Africa has very high child mortality rate. In
2002, one in six (17%) children died before the age of five, by 2007 this rate had declined
16%, to one in seven (15%) while it has increased to 24% since 2008 but with the
exception of South Africa (www. development .com).
The region has remained in lockstep with violence and instability since their
independence from late 1950s to 1960s, mainly due to the failure of past and present
leaders to effectively manage and/or reduce conflict drivers within the region. To surmount
this problem and prevent the region from careening towards the vortex of failed state,
scholars have advocated that leaders that are honest, sincere and committed to social
justice, equity, rule of law and other democratic values that help to bond society and
promote stability is unavoidably the answer.
Decades after decolonization in Africa especially from 1990, many sub-Saharan
Africa states were immersed in seeming intractable leadership crisis. The fruits of
peaceful co-existence and harmony which include stability and socio-economic
development have remained largely illusive in the region. Echezona (1998:57) rightly
observed that “…the crisis which bestride each and every African country… are at the
same time ethnic, economic, social and environmental”.
Truly, the period spanning from 1960 to the present christened the Post colonial/
neo-colonial era witnessed an upsurge of development failure in developing countries
especially Africa. In Liberia Samuel Doe, Prince Yormie Johnson, and Charles Taylor
were the night mares of Liberian as they struggled for seizure of state power consecutively
or simultaneously and thereby inflicted economic hardship on the people of Liberia and the
sub-Saharan region at large (Echezona, 1993:99). This was not an exception as it was the
case across Africa. In Sierra Leone, Paul Koroma, Ahmed Tejan kabbah, John Karafa
Smart etc. were interlocked in intensive crisis for the capture of the state (Hassan, 2002). In
Somalia, Hussen Mohammed Aideed, Hassan Mohammed Nur Shatigudud, Abdiaji Yusuf
Ahmed and Sallad Hanssan were rivals (Hassan, 2002). In Burundi, and Rwanda, the Tutsi
and Hutu were engaged in a frontal blood bizarre. Conflict looks every part of Africa as
political leaderships fail to manage economic production justly. The states therefore do not
appear as the bank of interest of the generality of the people. A monopolistic capitalism,
crises drives away the few foreign investors in sub-Saharan Africa to more stable third
world countries in Asia, Latin America, North and South Africa
About five decades after political independent in sub- Saharan Africa, the impact of
political leadership on economic development in sub- Saharan Africa is adverse as the full scope of the danger becomes clear. In Sub-Saharan Africa, what appeared as mere ethnic
cleansing has turned into a long and brutal civil war in most cases. The consequences of
violent conflict on the African continent have been devastating. Similarly, there appears an
intensifying economic hardship in the region which seems to account for the declining
legitimacy to make authoritative decision for the majority of the citizenry at all levels of
governance. In the absence of peace and stability, government legitimacy, and economic
growth and development, most states in the region under study are described as failed or
While this study does not dispute this supra argument that is mainly associated
with Chinua Achebe (1983) and many other sub Saharan scholars, this study seeks to
explore the interlinks between the style of leadership and the intensifying crises of
economic development in the sub- Saharan Africa with a view to deciphering brighter
prospects for African economic development. In this study, we shall explore the following
countries for emphases: Zimbabwe, Sudan, Somali, Liberia, Rwanda, Burundi, Gambia,
Ivory Coast, Niger, Chad, Nigeria and Tanzania.
1.1 Statement of Problem
Liberal democracy proposed by the West as the political model for economic
development appears to have proven incongruent with African experiences especially the
sub Saharan region that continue to be listed by UN, her agencies and other international
organization’s ‘bad books’ as the poorest, diseases- ridden and home to most ignorant
people in the world. Nonetheless, the US first black President Barrack Obama, in his
speech in Ghana reiterated that Africa has remained backward on account of the corrupt leadership since their various independents. He urged Africans to evolve strong institutions
and not strong men. Obama also restated that America would no longer dictate to nations
the path to political and economic development. The implication is that the US had done so
in the past probably through the activities of IMF and World Bank whose conditionalities
for loan to the poor regions of the world are at worst described as harsh on the economies
of the recipient countries (Echezona, 1993:99).
It is abundantly clear that due to differences in culture, geography, political and
socio-economic factors that there are no manuals or handouts on political leadership that a
nation should apply to achieve their economic end. We have countless prognosis of action
that unwittingly did not work in other places but generated internal upheaval here and
there. For example, to a large extent, while Western style democracy has worked perfectly
well in North America and Western Europe, it is yet to produce the desired results in
Nigeria, Sudan, Zimbabwe, Somalia, Ivory Coast, Ghana, Liberia and many other
countries that have so far experimented with it.
On the socio-economic front, the story is worse as the economies of most sub-
Saharan African states are mono- cultural. Governments of these states underpay and over
-tax citizens. Not only that, the region has one of the highest unemployment rates in the
world, the manufacturing and other allied industries are either dead or performing below
capacity. In addition, social infrastructures and services that would have helped to promote
socio-economic development are in deplorable conditions. Sustainable economic
opportunity in the region is at an average of 58% and human development at about 50 %.
This is in contrast with the 80% and 92% rate 85% and 90 % rate found in North America
and in Europe respectively (www.moibrahimfoundation .org). The roads are death traps, while electricity supply is erratic and people in urban areas often live in crowded squalor
from Abidjan to Abuja.
In the light of the above, we understand why the environment of lawlessness and its
consequences are fertile seedbeds for the flourishing of area boys, ethnic militias, child
labour, industrial disputes, religious crisis and many other socio-economic predicaments
across Africa. It is in connection with these political, economic and social crises that
various ethnic groups and civil society organisations in Africa are calling for either
National Conference or Constitutional Conference to address what they have tagged the
“Nigerian question, Somalia question, Sudanese question, Gabonese question,
Zimbabwean question Congolese question etc”. It is also against this background that the
recent US intelligent report on sub- Saharan Africa ranks it as one of the most unsafe
places to do business in the world.
The leadership problem connects with building core state institutions like the
police, civil service, the legislature, the judiciary and the executives. Without a good and
committed leadership, these institutions cannot function properly. For instance, if you have
leaders who have no respect for the rule of law, human rights, minority rights and other
values that help to tie and make society stable, you cannot expect the judiciary to function
properly. In other words, if leaders desecrate their core institutions, those institutions
cannot work creditably. This is the situation in most states in Africa.
However, inquiries on relationship between problems of leadership and economic
developments either concentrate in one country especially Nigeria, Liberia and Zimbabwe
or are carried out with the immediate post colonial Africa in mind (see, Echezona,
1993:99; Hassan, 2002; Hazeley, 2002 and Achebe, 1983). This does not help us to understand the contemporary link between leadership problems and development crises
hence this forms the lacuna in literature that we seek to bridge. This study therefore span a
period from 1960-2009 with emphasis on the major sub- Saharan African states. Most
states in the region are characterized by immanent crises of development; the tendency for
the US failed States Index to rank states in the region among the first 20 – 30 states at the
risk of violent internal conflict that can erupt like a volcano any moment; and the tendency
for apparent shabby scholarly articulation of interlinks of leadership problems and
development crises in the region. In the context of the foregoing discourse we pose the
1) Is there a link between persisting economic crises and incompetence on the part of
political leadership in sub- Saharan Africa?
2) Do leadership problems in sub – Saharan Africa account for poor integration of the
region’s economies into the global economy?
3) Is leadership failure responsible for poor inter- state relation in sub- Saharan
1.2 Objectives of Study
The broad objective of this study is to examine the linkage between the method of
political leadership and crises of development in sub- Saharan Africa between 1960 and
2009. Specifically, this study has the following objectives
1) To ascertain if there is any link between persisting economic crises and
incompetence on the part of political leadership in sub- Saharan Africa.
2) To examine if leadership problems in sub – Saharan Africa account for poor
integration of the region’s economies into the global economy in the period under
3) To determine whether leadership failure is responsible for poor inter- state relation
in sub- Saharan Africa.
1.3 Significance of the Study
The study has both practical and theoretical significance. Practically, the study
will inform and guide policy makers of sub-Saharan African states in policy process in
relation with their external environment and in their domestic policy making and
implementation process to develop their various economies. It will also guide investors to
determine the direction of policies of leadership class and the degree of political stability
in sub-Saharan African while considering investment friendly sites and also to other
business ventures within the region. This study will also serve as a manual for every
peace chart in the region between rival groups and provide guide to aid agencies in
delivering aid to achieve economic growth and development.
Theoretically, this study furnishes both students and staff of Political Science in
particular and Social Sciences in general with new knowledge of leadership failure and
crises of development in the region. The study will also serve as the theoretical base for
the socio- economic and political transformation of the sub- Saharan African economies.
It will also aid the political leadership in preparing development projects and programmes
for the region. Finally, this study will serve as a source of secondary data for future researcher in the areas of leadership studies, development crisis and state failure in
1.4 Literature Review
Literature on political leadership is much but has not received enough attention in the
recent past, and there are several criticisms of political leadership in Africa and other
developing economies. The study is narrowed to the following sub themes deriving from
our research questions.
A) Leadership problem and economic crises
B) Integration of Saharan African Economies into the global economy
C) Leadership and Inter- state relations in sub- Saharan Africa.
Leadership Problems and Economic Crises
Echezona (1998) quoting Claude Ake examined the state in capitalist society and
related it to the states in Africa. According to him, what distinguishes a capitalist society
from other societies is the pervasiveness of commoditization and autonomization.
Inherent in this assessment of state in capitalist societies in relation of capitalist states in
Africa is the fact that the way capitalism or capitalist state operates in Africa is different
from the way it operates in the Western world that hoisted it on Africa. Thus, it was
observed that in Africa, there has been willfully wrong placement of emphasis
(pervasiveness) on the acquisition of material wealth i.e. (commoditization) and the result
of which there emerged the autonomy of dominance by the wealthy ones over the poor ones i.e. autonomization of domination. These were the flaws of capitalist states in Africa
and these flaws are invisible in the western capitalist states.
To complicate and worsen the situation Anene and Brown (1981:47) noted that
the colonialist did not stop at merging of incompatible ethnic nations but also went on to
sensitizing and fuelling of ethnic division and differences so as to forestall any possible
integration and unity of the people in the state-colonies. In a very closely related
observation, Anene and Brown stressed on the excess ethnic awareness as one of the
complex legacies of colonial administration in Africa. Moron-Browne rightly observed
that one of the injurious legacies of colonial era in Africa was the intensification of ethnic
awareness either by altering the demographic balance or by introducing a new political
Similarly, Vicker (1993) observes that ethnic conflicts occur as a result of
colonial power’s arbitrarily drawn frontiers following the 1884/1885 Berlin colonial
partition of Africa. This stems from the fact that most African states are but
amalgamation of different ethnic/national groups who have differences in their historical
background, cultural language, ideology and religion.
Nonetheless, Ake (1985) viewed leadership in Africa as one of the injurious
imports of the capitalist system of production in Africa. He argued that the capitalist
system of production brought into Africa a very serious antagonism between and among
leaders in different states of Africa, and consequent upon which there ensued crises
among them. Hence, Patrice Lumumba, Kwame Nkrumah, Julius Nyerere and Claude
Ake etc had argued that these conflicts are squarely the products of the emergence of
capitalism in Africa. They contended that the dynamic interplay of issues in capitalist system of production created antagonistic tendencies among the people since the relations
of production are mostly the relations of conflict and crises among different competing
interest struggling over the surplus that accrue in the production of goods and services.
Ezema (2001:51) cited some other case illustrations on where the schemes of
deprivation or alienation cause leadership crises especially in the period of post cold war
years in Africa. These include: the Liberian crises of twentieth century and beyond, the
Sierra Leone crises of twentieth century and beyond, also the crises in former Zaire now
Democratic Republic of Congo and the several years of apartheid crises in South African
etc. In fact, virtually all the leadership crises that have occurred in many Africa states
possess the traces of one deprivation or the other. While, this position of relativedeprivation
may appear attractive it fails to tell us why deprivation leads to aggression in
some areas and not the other. It did not account for the leaders influence in the crises of
development and why it has persisted.
Integration of Saharan African Economies into the Global Economy
Ntuli (2004) stated that the phenomenon of globalization appears to be a product
of renewed belief and contestations in a global process, which has drawn the international
community at the threshold of a global village. These range from politics, economy,
communication and education to even agriculture and food. National economies are all
dissolving and distinct management of national economies are all becoming irrelevant
and giving way to globalized strategies characterized by powerful market forces. All
forms of integration have also been a logical consequence of globalization. These include economic and monetary integration. He observed that these formations have affected not
only domestic policies of states but also led to compromise of sovereignty and autonomy
in domestic policy making and implementation. According to Ntuli, this process is not
new to sub-Saharan African region as a part of global community, events and activities in
the region have had their own logical outcomes, which could be attributed to the global
evolution. Part of this is found in the renewed vigor and efforts at coming together in
addressing regional problems ranging from harmonization of serenity efforts, health
legislative activities and process of adjudication. Over and above all is economic and
monetary integration, which is believed to be basis for rejuvenation and extractive
capabilities of member states. According to Ntuli, despite the effort to integrate the
Africa states appear very unlikely to be left behind in emerging global process, since
activities by states in the sub-regions demonstrate reinvigorated desires to become active
players in the “new deal” in the interest of their citizens.
Ntuli concluded that the emerging globalization process had incorporated
adequately economies of African state. While answering in the affirmative, he insisted
that it is not only that globalization has promoted greater developments in the region but
also that the globalization process has facilitated the implementation of treaties of
economic relation. However, Ntuli’s analysis has not helped us to ascertain the rationale
behind the continued problem of integrating African sub-Saharan economies in a world
that is increasingly becoming a global village with capitalism as its fulcrum or the effect
of leadership in the process. It however gave an insight into the status of African
economic integration in to the global economy in positive terms.
Browne (1998) noted that regionalism is not new to the global agenda and that is
more and more frequently bracketed with globalization. All forms of political and
economic cooperation are receiving a higher priority among countries in all regions and
at all levels of development. While stating that regionalism is now in vogue, he noted that
there are a few examples of long established regional groupings that have become
stronger over time. Notably the European Union and the Association of South-East Asia
Nations have but many of those established over the last three decades have been shortlived
or have retained mainly symbolic political significance. The author stated that for a
number of reasons, there has been a growing commitment to regionalism since the late
1980s. Some of the reasons include increased understanding of the importance of trade
and economic openness. Inward-oriented development and self-sufficiency are terms
disappearing from the development lexicon.
He equally observed in many parts of the world, there is a more conciliatory
political climate. The cold war kept many neighbours at political odds. In its after math,
old ideological enemies and political rivals are more willing than before to collaborate.
For instance, countries of the Warsaw pact are now joining the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization (NATO) and seeking membership of the European Union. The same thing
is happening in West and Central Asia. The arrival of full democracy in South Africa also
gave a new lease of life to the Southern Africa Development Coordination Conference,
renamed a Development Community in 1992. There have also been examples of stronger
regionalism in East and South Asia.
Browne concluded that regionalism is an important manifestation of greater
economic openness being witnessed on a global scale. However, regionalism in the context of a process of global trade liberalization led by the World Trade Organization is
ultimately contributory rather than inimical to free trade. By bringing more countries into
the fold of liberal and outward – looking economies moreover, regionalism also
contribute to continuing reform, especially in countries in a transitional phase away from
central planning and management. Finally while noting that regional bodies also
undertake important security and peace-keeping initiative, trade provides the driving
force for most regional initiatives. While Browne was elaborated on regionalism and
interstates relations, he was not emphatic in sub-Saharan Africa and he did not link
leadership to this poor interstate relation in the region.
Nwanegbo (2005) briefly interrogated the existing concepts of globalization and
regional integration and explored their interconnections in the context of global order. He
was more interested in exploring how the recent craze towards the formation of regional
bodies could give room to, or enhance globalization; hence of little importance for our
review. The author noted that integration entails the building up of a stronger and virile
body that will among other things seek to enhance the people’s way of life and to live. It
denotes the bringing together of hitherto autonomous regions or centres into a whole. It is
the combining of two or more things so that they work together effectively, like the closer
integration of the countries economies.
Using African Union as case study of regional integration, the author remarked
that globalization is not going to get the friendly cooperation to succeed. This is because
some of these regional bodies were established to serve as a center of negotiation,
primarily to cover up for the weakness of its constituting countries, in the face of others
(the bigger body). The author was equally interested in exploring how the formation of regional bodies could enhance the process of globalization. Notwithstanding the close
relationship this has with out task, it did not explore the link between political leadership
and interstate relation in the region under study hence, the questions we posed still beg
Garcia (1998) studied Latin American patterns of globalization and regionalism.
She conceptualized globalization to imply changes in the way production is organized as
required by the general dismantling of trade barriers and the free mobility of accelerated
technological change. Rapid integration of national economies into the global market is
another especially conspicuous feature of the process. Garcia remarked that Latin
America has been forced to enter the process of globalization. The results of this process
in the economic sphere, is the repositioning of Latin America in the world economy,
measured by its international competitiveness and in social aspects, have not been
encouraging. According to the author, globalization protects the interest of some people
more than others. Because of this, the best approach towards joining this process of
globalization seems to be through globalization. Although, Garcia analysis was logical, it
was interested in globalization and rationalization in Latin America and this will not help
us to understand the effect of leadership on global integration of sub-Saharan African
Oyejide (1998) examined globalization and its implications for Africa trade policy
and reviewed the trade and patterns of African exports in the context of the regions
perceived marginalization in world trade. He started by conceptualizing globalization as
increased integration, across countries, of markets for good, services and capital. This in
turn implies accelerated expansion of economic activities globally and sharp increases in the movement of tangible and intangible goods across national and regional boundaries.
With that movement, individual countries are becoming more closely integrated into the
global economy. Their trade linkages and investment flows grow more complex, and
cross-border financial movements are more volatile. Deepening integration of trade,
markets and finance all mean increasing independence.
The author argued that Africa’s poor export and overall economic growth
performance predated and therefore, not directly ascribable to the current wave of
globalization. Oyejide was more interested in the marginalization of Africa in world trade
and the way to reverse this trend. He did not see leadership as an impediment towards
this goal or as a willing ally. In fact, his work did not address the issue of political
leadership and economic crises in sub-Saharan Africa.
Similarly Nnanna (2006) took a look at economic and monetary integration in
Africa. He opined that the ultimate goal of regional integration is to create a common
economic space among the participating countries. The process entails the harmonization
of macroeconomic politics, legal frameworks and real convergence. Some other
objectives include the enlargement and diversification of market size, the promotion of
intra-regional trade and the strengthening of member countries bargaining power in the
global economy. Other characteristics include factor, especially, capital and labour, and
the integration of the goods market. The author opines that based on available qualitative
and quantitative assessments the monetary union arrangement, Africa does not satisfy the
OCA conditions when measuring against the following criteria; income structure, product
market flexibility, labour market mobility, degree of opening, intra-trade relations and
asymmetric terms of trade shocks. With regard to income structure, he noted that African
Price: 2000 Naira (BSC, MSC)
1.1 Background to the Study
Nigeria is usually characterized as a deeply divided state in which major political issues are vigorously and or violently contested along the lines of the complex ethnic, religious, and regional divisions in the country (Smyth and Robinson, 2001). By virtue of its complex web of politically salient identities and history of chronic and seemingly intractable conflicts and instability, Nigeria can be rightly described as one of the most deeply divided states in Africa (Osaghae and Suberu, 2005). From its inception as a colonial state, Nigeria has faced a perennial crisis of territorial or state legitimacy, which has often challenged its efforts at national cohesion, democratization, stability and economic transformation (Maier, 2000). The high point of the crisis seems to have been the civil war in the late 1960s, which ensued shortly after independence in 1960. Since Nigeria’s transition to civilian rule in 1999 there has been a rapid increase of conflicts in the country.
Following these development, members of different ethnic nationalities have become aware of their separate identities because of the sporadic occurrence of episodic social interpretation of intergroup relations (Sanda, 1999). The intense communal and religious conflict have led to the formation and operations of several militia groups prominent among them include, Bakassi Boys, Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), Oodua People Congress (OPC), Egbesu Boys, Movement for the Survival of Ogoni People (MOSOP), Movement for the Emancipation of Niger Delta (MEND) and more recently Boko Haram. These Militia groups have become an enclave for the army of jobless youths (Alegbeleye, 2014).
Ethno-religious crisis is a common phenomenon in the world history and there is hardly any race that has not at a particular point of time experience it. The world religious holy books, the Quran and the Bible, recorded how our fore-fathers in the past went through either ethnic crisis, religions crisis or ethno-religious crises at various point in recent time. This is to tell us that ethno religious crisis is neither peculiar to Nigeria nor a phenomenon of recent origin (Omoregbe, 2002).
Ethnic and religion sensitivity, since the Nigeria independence, have continue to threaten the development, continue co-existence, peace and unity of Nigeria as members of one sovereign democratic state. In recent history, there are only few states in Nigeria that have not in one way or another witnessed one form of ethnic or religion crises. If a state is crisis free, then such state will experience a development. Ethnicity has to do with group differentiated from the main population of a community by racial origin or cultural background.
Gould and kilb, (1956) and Nnoli, (1978) refer to ethnicity as a social formation distinguished by communal traits of their boundaries. The relevant communal factors may be language, culture or both culture and language. This means that an ethnic group will have a specific territory within a policy, demarcating it from other groups. Using Nigeria as an example, one can point to the Yoruba in the western Nigeria, the Hausa in the northern Nigeria, Igbo in the eastern Nigeria and Ogoni in the southern Nigeria as the major ethnic group in the country.
The vilification of ethnicity as the scapegoat of all vices associated with the Nigerian body polity has made the subject a dominant theme in the study of Nigerian political economy. No work is deemed ‘scholarly’ that does not consider the salience or irrelevance of ethnicity in its analysis and conclusions.
Thus, analysts interested in such diverse issues as nationalism, decolonisation, national integration, political parties, military intervention, corruption, economic development, structural adjustment, democratisation and violent conflict have all considered the ‘ethnicity’ variable. This was the case even in the 1960s and 1970s when the major intellectual traditions felt ethnicity was of secondary importance as an explanatory variable; at best an epiphenomenon and at worst a mask for class privilege (Sklar, 1967).
The result of such interest in ethnicity, which is proportional to the high level of ‘ethnic consciousness’ in the Nigerian society (Lewis et al; 2002), is a legion of literature on ethnicity, making a critique a Herculean task. Jinadu, (1994) rightly puts it, ‘the study of ethnic relations in Nigeria has passed through a number of phases reflecting changes in the country’s political status as well as changes in fashions and trends in the social science research agenda’.
Taking a historical view of the concept of ethnicity, Joireman, (2003) holds that: ethnicity did not come into common usage until the latter part of the twentieth century it is a term that is strongly contested in academic literature. Relating the term to nationalism, Joireman insists that: ethnicity is a beginning manifestation of identity.
A religion is the belief in the existence of a god or gods, and the activities that are connected with the worship of them. It is also one of the systems of faith that are based on the belief in the existence of a particular god or gods: the Jewish religion, the Christian religion, the Islamic religion and a host of other world religions. Almost every human being believes in a Supreme Being (with different local names), who controls the universe – the seen and the unseen worlds. He sets a moral standard to be attained by man and capable of punishing man here and hereafter et cetera. The endeavour of man to please the Supreme Being, especially to secure a favourable place for himself hereafter is known as religion. It emanates from innate tendency and hence personal because one is free to believe or to disbelieve (Olayiwola, 2011).
Religion can also be said as consisting of institutional system of beliefs, value and symbolic practices which provided group of main solution to these questions of ultimate meaning of death, difficulties, suffering et cetera. This determination sees religion as social institution. From my own point of view, religion is a belief in the existence of a supernatural being known as God who made heaven, earth and the entire inhabitant there in (Samari, 2016).
Nigeria as a nation is religiously pluralistic where everyone is free to embrace which ever religion that appealed to him/her, be it Islam, Christianity or African traditional religion. From time immemorial, man has always felt an inner urge to worship and it is this that led to the production of mosaic of beliefs, attitude and practices. Throughout history, religion has been seen as a universal institution which entails a set of basic beliefs and practices.
Religion in all society is said to provide a healthy terrain for functional and vibrant society. Religion is often regarded as a living thing by scholars and any living thing is very much interested in what is happening in the environment. More so, every religion in any environment preached peace, with oneself, peace with other and peace with God. Unfortunately, there is hardly any peace in our society today (Okwueze, 2003). The history of religion cannot be separated from the attendant conflict that follows it from time. All these observation made by Nnoli are very rampant of situation preventing in Nigeria society. This generates divisive and socio-economic competitions which have anti-social effects.
Religion on the other hand is such prominent feature in human society that it cannot be simply ignored. World history would be incomplete without reference to it. Religion is as old as mankind and will in all probability remain for as long as man exist, (Omoregbe, 2002). To be able to give a definition of religion that is universally acceptable is difficult if not impossible task. The reason for this could be traced to the vastness of the discipline whereby it permeates all aspects of lives and allows for individual opinion, (Osibodu, 2000).
Etymologically, religion is derived from three Latin words namely ligare meaning to bind, relegere meaning to unite and religio meaning relationship. Therefore, religion can be said something that unites man with transcendent being a deity, believed to exist and worshipped by man; man and God, (Omoregbe, 2002).
Conflict (crisis) can be described as a situation or condition of disharmony in an interactional process. Crisis is when two or more values, perspectives and opinions are contradictory in nature and have not been aligned or agreed upon yet (Bagaji, 2012).In order to understand the concept of socio-economic development, it is imperative we define development. Generally, development is defined as a state where something moves from an unpalatable situation to palatable situation. Development also could mean the improvement in people’s lifestyle through improved education, incomes, skills development and employment (Adeniyi, 1993). It is the process of economic and social transformation based on cultural and environmental factors. Socio-economic development therefore is the process of social and economic development in a society. It is measured with indicators, such as Gross Domestic Product (GDP), life expectancy, literacy and levels of employment (Okonjo-Iweala and Osafo-Kwaako, 2007).The need for a religious tolerance among the different religious adherents is and remains relevant in the sustenance of the socio-economic development of the country. Without peace there could be no any meaningful development that is why government at all levels should make concerted effort to abate the level of crises in the country to its barest. The fact remains that good governance and accountability are sacrosanct as it engender the country socio-economic development.
Nigeria as a nation has a long history of ethno-religious crisis. (Oji and Anugwom, 2004) observed that, ethnic and religious conflicts and divisions arising from them are intertwined phenomenal in contemporary Nigeria. It has been observed that it is very hard in Nigeria to have an ethnic crisis which will not end up as religious crisis. The fact that Nigeria is a plural polity has long been acknowledged. Studies have shown that it has a composition of not less than three hundred and seventy five ethnic nationalities with diverse socio-cultural and political backgrounds, all of which were wielded together to form modern Nigeria by the British colonialist.
The introduction of sharia legal system has introduced another dimension into the whole farce. While the Muslims justifies its introduction as part of the dividends of democracy, the Christians see its introduction as contrary to the spirit of secularism as provided for in section 10 of the 1979 and 1999 constitutions, which states that ‘the government of the federation or of a state shall not adopt any religion as a state religion. The February and May 2000 crisis cannot be divorced from the spate of crises between the Muslim Hausa-Fulani and the Christian ethnic minorities in the state. Often religious differences have been evoked to explain these bloody clashes. However, the problem involves perceived political domination by groups considered as external, illegitimate or ‘alien’.
The immediate cause of the crisis is generally associated with the Shariah controversy and the consequent demonstration and counter demonstration by both Muslims and Christians in Kaduna. Shariah question has since the inauguration of the new civilian government in 1999 sharply divided Nigerians across religious lines.
The Muslim pro-Shariah activists expressed concern and fears over what they consider to be domination of Christian culture in Nigeria established by the colonial government. For these Muslims secularism is unacceptable in Islam, the separation of the sacred and mundane is unacceptable and the legal framework that governs their lives should be Islamic.
The Christians on the other hand are worried about what they regard as the threat of Islamization of the state and the imposition of shariah on non-Muslims. They argued that the introduction of sharia will amount to Islamization of the state against the interest of Christians and that state resources will be used to promote the cause of one religion. With shariah, they believe Christian will be considered as second-class citizens. The focus of this study is to find out if ethno-religious crisis in Bali local Government Area has any adverse effect on their socio-economic activities.
1.2 Statement of the Problem
The occurrence of ethno-religious crisis in Nigeria, especially in the northern part of the country has called for great concerned among intellectuals across the nation. These crises often trigger the sense of hostile behaviour between Muslims and Christians and thereafter inculcate a deep consciousness of religion sentiment which often creates adverse effects on their socio-economic development. This research is aimed at investigating the impact of ethno-religious crisis on socio-economic development of rural area’s in other to recommend on the way forward to those that are victim of the topic under investigation and the world at large.
1.3 Research Questions
The research has answered the following questions: –
i. What are the demographic data of the respondents?
ii. Who are the victims of ethno-religious crisis?
iii. What is the relationship between economic development and ethnic cleavages?
iv. What are the roles of religious leaders in curtailing the menace?
v. What are the government policies of controlling the ethno-religious crisis?
1.4 Objectives of the Study
The following are the specific objectives of this study;
i. To assess the demographic data of the respondents.
ii. To assess the victims of ethno-religious crisis.
iii. To know the relationship between economic development and ethnic cleavages.
iv. To investigate the role of religious leaders in curtailing the menace.
v. To investigate government policies of controlling the ethno-religious crisis.
1.5 Significance of the Study
This study will contribute to the various writings for instance, journals and textbook that have been highlighting on the dangers of ethno-religious crisis and how to handle it. It will help policy makers in the country and the world over to know the root causes of ethno-religious crisis, so as to explore strategies by which the negative effects of the crisis could be mitigated in the future. Thus making lasting policies that will obliterate ethno-religious chauvinism and its consequent effect on national stability and development.
1.6 Scope of the Study
This research was limited to Bali Local Government Area covering places like Maihula, Gazabu, Jatau, Kungana, Zagah and Mile Biyu. These are areas where people residing there are predominantly Muslims and Christians and has experience ethno-religious crisis in Bali Local Government Area of Taraba State. The work has focus on the historical background of crisis in these places and how it has affect development in the area, ranging from economic, political, cultural, religious and intermarriage. The study was concentrated on the ethno-religious crisis of the people in their villages from 2013-2015.
1.7 Basic Assumptions
There is a significant different between ethno-religious crisis and socio-economic development in Bali Local Government Area.
There is no significant different between ethno-religious crisis and socio-economic development in Bali Local Government Area.
1.8 Operational Definition of Terms
Ethno-Religious: Is a dual word coined from Ethnicity (ethnic) and Religion; it simply denotes ‘of or pertaining to ethnicity and religion’. It will therefore be better understood if the root words (Ethnicity and Religion) are defined.
Ethnicity: The concept of ethnicity refers to a social identity formation that rests upon culturally specific practices and a unique set of symbols and cosmology”. Lanre Olu Adeyemi(2006).
Ethnicity according to Nnoli (1998) is characterized by a common consciousness of being one in relation to other relevant ethnic groups. He contends further that: ethnicity is a “socio- political phenomenon, associated with interactions Law and Security in Nigeria 238 among members of a society consisting of diverse ethnic groups characterized by cultural and linguistic similarities, values and common consciousness”.
According to Professor Alemika et al (2004), the International IDEA offered a very broad description of ethnicity that captures its objective as well as aspects of its subjective dimensions: It suggested that: The concept of ethnicity refers to a social identity formation that rests upon culturally specific practices and a unique set of symbols and cosmology.
Ethnicity results from conditions of multiplicity of ethnic groups within a territory in which ethnic difference mobilized for political and economic interests in relation to other groups. This condition of politicalized ethnicity may lead to ethnic nationalism; where by an ethnic group may demand for a separate nation including using violent or terrorist methods to advance its realization. D. A Gubadia And A. O Adekunle(2004)
Religion: The term Religion is such a complex one that agreeing with one meaning is quite difficult…Scholars like B. Taylor(2005)’ define religion ‘as a belief in spiritual beings’. Frazer” on his part defines it thus ‘religion is the propitiation or conciliation of powers superior to man, which are believed to direct and control the cause of nature and human life’. Marx on his part saw religion as the ‘opium of the masses'(Karl Max, 1879)
Religion: According to Oxford Dictionary is defined as “one of the systems of thought that are based on the belief in the existence of a particular God or gods: Jewish religion, Christian Religion, Islamic religion. It is also defined as a particular interest or influence that is very important in one’s life. Christianity is the belief in Christ,. Islamic is an Arabic word and connotes submission, surrender and obedience to the laws of Allah. Muhammed Igabo
Crisis: Crisis is a perception or experience of an event or situation as an intolerable difficulty that exceeds the person’s current resources and coping mechanisms.” (James and Gilliland, 2001)
Seeger et al (1998) say that crises have four defining characteristics that are “specific, unexpected, and non-routine events or series of events that [create] high levels of uncertainty and threat or perceived threat to an organization’s high priority goals.” Thus the first three characteristics are that the event is
a. Unexpected (that is, a surprise)
b. Creates uncertainty
c. Is seen as a threat to important goals
Venette (2003) argues that “crisis is a process of transformation where the old system can no longer be maintained.” Therefore the fourth defining quality is the need for change. If change is not needed, the event could more accurately be described as a failure.
Ethno-Religious Crisis: Ethno-religious crisis is a multi- causal variable Salawu (2010).
By ethno-religious crisis, it means a situation in which the relationship between members of one ethnic or religious group and another such group in a multi-ethnic and multi-religious society is characterized by lack of cordiality, mutual, suspicion, and fear and a tendency towards violent confrontation (B. Salawu, 2010)
We can define inter-religious or inter-ethnic conflict as a state of disagreement between two religious or ethnic persons regarding who is, or who is not holding absolute religious truth or ethnicity. It occurs when members of different ethno-religions are engaged in argument which often goes with bickering, controversy, demonstration, debate, or squabble over religious beliefs and practices (Dele & Mike, 2015).
Socio-economic: A distinct supplemental usage describes social economics as “a discipline studying the reciprocal relationship between economic science on the one hand and social philosophy, ethics, and human dignity on the other” toward social reconstruction and improvement (Mark, 2009).
Socioeconomics is sometimes used as an umbrella term with different usages. The term ‘social economics’ may refer broadly to the “use of economics in the study of society. (John et al., 1987)More narrowly, contemporary practice considers behavioural interactions of individuals and groups through social capita and social “markets” (not excluding for example, sorting by marriage) and the formation of social norms (Gary S. Becker, 1974).
Development: Is a conscious effort or deliberate action geared toward advancing quality of all human. (Ahima, 2016).
development can be seen from two senses; one from an active denotation- where it is seen as a human activity i.e. to frame, plan or work out a project. Second from a passive or reflective use-a critical sense. Here, it is a process undergone by a given bearer, which possesses or is expected to possess certain potentialities that are expected to be actualized up to a certain limit; after which decay sets in. This applies to living beings including human beings (Loanna Kucuradi, 1993)
According to Walter Rodney (2005), development at level of individual implies increased skill and capacity, greater freedom, creativity, self-discipline, responsibility and material well-being. While development at the level of social groups, implies an increasing capacity to regulate both internal and external relationships.
Rural: The evidence that there are universal differences in cultural characteristics associated with differences in density and size is not convincing. An alternative proposal is that “rural” be defined in terms of a particular pattern of value configurations or some other cultural attributes (Bealer et al., 1965). Rural Sociology is a field of sociology traditionally associated with the study of social structure and conflict in rural areas although topical areas such as food and agriculture or natural resource access transcend traditional rural spatial boundaries (Smit and Suzan, 2011).